Chandigarh: Capital battle

Days after the Punjab ass­embly handed a decision reiterating the state’s declare on Chandigarh, legislators from Haryana convened a particular session of their Vidhan Sabha on April 5 to stake a counter declare. The two northern states have a long-standing dispute over the possession of their joint capital, together with residual points from the 1966 Punjab Reorganisation Act that carved out modern-day Punjab and Haryana. The newest spherical of hostilities was triggered after Union residence minister Amit Shah, on a go to to Chandigarh on March 27, introduced that Central Civil Services guidelines will apply on workers of the Union territory (UT), as an alternative of Punjab Civil Services Rules, from April 1.

Days after the Punjab ass­embly handed a decision reiterating the state’s declare on Chandigarh, legislators from Haryana convened a particular session of their Vidhan Sabha on April 5 to stake a counter declare. The two northern states have a long-standing dispute over the possession of their joint capital, together with residual points from the 1966 Punjab Reorganisation Act that carved out modern-day Punjab and Haryana. The newest spherical of hostilities was triggered after Union residence minister Amit Shah, on a go to to Chandigarh on March 27, introduced that Central Civil Services guidelines will apply on workers of the Union territory (UT), as an alternative of Punjab Civil Services Rules, from April 1.

This has angered most political events in Punjab who see it as “another big blow to the rights of Punjab”. The Sukhbir Badal-led Shiromani Akali Dal, seeking to spring again into reckoning after the meeting ballot rout, was the primary to react, push­ing Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann to escalate the problem additional and cross the decision at a specifically convened session. Mann additionally threatened protests from the “streets to Parliament” towards the implemen­tation of central civil companies guidelines in Chandigarh.

Chandigarh is a delicate concern for the Sikh-majority state, which misplaced its unique capital, Lahore, throughout Partition and has not had a capital of its personal since. Chandigarh, goes the overriding sentiment, was constructed to compensate for this loss.

The capital, although, isn’t the one sore level for Punjab. Besides making Chandigarh the provisional capital of each Punjab and Haryana for 10 years, many Punjabi-speaking areas too had been awarded to Haryana, including insult to harm because it had been. Further, the Punjab Reorganisation Act gave central businesses the management of irrigation water. In his speech within the meeting, Mann made a passionate enchantment for the quick switch of Chandigarh to Punjab together with the Punjabi-speaking areas in Haryana, although he saved quiet on different contentious points.

Back in January 1970, the Union authorities reportedly gave the nod to Chandigarh going to Punjab. Haryana was given 5 years to assemble its personal capital in addition to a liberal Rs 10 crore grant for the aim. This was linked to the switch of Punjabi-speaking areas in Haryana to Punjab and the reciprocal switch of Punjab’s Hindi-speaking and Hindu-dominated Abohar and Fazilka areas to Haryana. However, the provisions had been unaccep­desk to each side and the dispute festered. Chandigarh then was made the provisional joint capital of Punjab and Haryana underneath the identical Punjab Reorganisation Act, with the 2 states contributing authorities employees in a 60:40 ratio, respectively. But for the reason that negotiations weren’t going wherever, Chandigarh was accorded UT standing in 1976.

Over the years, with the UT making its personal recruitments, the variety of Punjabi workers declined however the Punjab civil companies guidelines continued to use. While IPS and IAS officers held posts in an identical ratio from these cadre, the seniormost bureaucrats got here from the AGMUT (Arunachal, Goa, Mizoram and UT) cadre.

In 1984, underneath the shadow of the Sikh insurgency, the Punjab governor was made administrator of Chandigarh. About a 12 months later, the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi negotiated a cope with H.S. Longowal, who was heading the Akali Dal. Less than a month after the July 1985 acc­ord, Sikh militants against it assassinated the Akali chief. Political events in Haryana too had been against the accord as they blamed the then Congress state authorities for getting into right into a imprecise settlement, particularly concerning the territories to be transferred to Haryana in lieu of Chandigarh.

Later, the Centre fashioned commissions for the switch of territories, together with one underneath the then Supreme Court Justice E.S. Venkataramiah in 1986. Assigned to outline Hindi- and Punjabi-speaking villages, the choose advisable alternate of some 70,000 acres of land. But neither Punjab nor Haryana agreed, and the transfers by no means passed off.

The Justice J.C. Shah-led Punjab Boundary Commission in addition to different experiences additionally upheld Punjab’s proper over Chandigarh, however the state’s politicians weren’t keen to relinquish declare over Hindi-speaking areas and provides them to Haryana. Over the years, the problems of water-sharing vexed the state of affairs much more. In July 1986, with the Khalistan insurgency set to sentence Punjab to 2 fallow a long time, the Union authorities suspended the switch of land indefinitely.

Cut to the current, and you discover Haryana chief minister Manohar Lal Khattar too wading into troubled wat­ers together with his aggressive stand on the Sutlej Yamuna Link (SYL) canal building and sharing of river water. While Haryana has accomplished its aspect of the work (85 per cent of the full) on the canal, Punjab has not moved an inch previously so a few years. It continues to be defiant, regardless of an arbitration mechanism being in place. The new Mann authorities has additionally proven no real interest in the problem thus far. Water has been a very fraught and emotive concern for Punjab (certainly extra so throughout the 20 years of the Khalistan insurgency). Despite instructions from the Centre, sundry tribunals and even the Supreme Court, Punjab has refused to share water with Haryana.

Mann, who’s simply beginning his time period in workplace, has little leeway since feelings within the state are already operating excessive. There remains to be residual anger towards the farm legal guidelines, stoked additional by the BJP-controlled Centre’s February 23 notification amending the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB) Rules, 1974, and altering the standards for the number of full-time members. Board members can now be from throughout India, as an alternative of simply Punjab and Haryana. The BBMB was created as an autonomous board underneath the provisions of the Punjab Reorganisation Act to manage the provision of water and energy to Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi and Chandigarh. The widespread perception is that the brand new guidelines will take away Punjab’s management on the essential dam headworks.

Water is a essential concern for each Khattar and Mann. Both states have caught to their stand that depleting groundwater ranges go away them with no alternative within the matter. In Punjab, the water useful resource ministry information reveals that 109 blocks out of 128 are within the ‘dark zone’ (severely depleted groundwater ranges). Haryana wants the SYL water to irrigate farms in its southern elements. Officials right here say groundwater ranges in locations like Gurugram district have fallen from a depth of 6.6 metres in 1976 to over 30 metres now. Haryana won’t let go of Chandigarh even when it was inclined to until Punjab relents on the water concern. The latter, in the meantime, says the water allocation system determined by the Balakrishna Eradi Tribunal in 1987—5 MAF (million acre-feet) water to Punjab and three.83 MAF to Haryana—was defective because it didn’t contemplate Haryana’s share of Yamuna water. Anyway, neither state had accepted these provisions and the dispute stays unresolved.

In 1960, after India signed the Indus Water Treaty with Pakistan, Punjab obtained use of the water from the tributaries. The 1966 reorganisation advisable water-sharing with drier Haryana. Punjab has three rivers—the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas—whereas Haryana will get water from the Yamuna. The SYL canal was deliberate as a 214 km conduit that will join the Sutlej and Yamuna. But when building began in 1982, political events in Punjab cried foul and have resisted each transfer to finish the development. In reality, in July 2004, the then Punjab chief minister Amarinder Singh convened a particular meeting session and handed the Punjab Termination of Agreements Act, 2004, which abroga­ted all river water agreements with neighbouring states. In February 2017, the Supreme Court stated Punjab must abide by its order on the SYL canal and it might cross a decree if the 2 states didn’t come to an settlement. Yet the SYL canal stays caught, aside from the occasional burst of political exercise, like being raked up alongside the Chandigarh concern final week.

After the Aam Aadmi Party tsunami within the meeting election and with the overall election due in 2024, political events in Punjab are eyeing a consolidation. They have to be watchful, as an emotive concern like Chandigarh can stoke discontent within the state and have unpredictable repercussions. And that, for Punjab, can be a capital disgrace.